Karl Inderfurth, currently a professor at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University, writes an op-ed in the Christian Science Monitor excoriating what he calls "Washington's phobia of global treaties." Inderfurth, who served in the Clinton administration as US special representative of the president and the secretary of state for global humanitarian demining, is not exactly a neutral party in this issue. He is arguing that the US should accept UN negotiated treaties on land mines and a number of other subjects.
washington - Three quarters of the world's countries have signed an international agreement to ban antipersonnel landmines. The Ottawa Mine Ban Treaty – to never again use, produce, acquire, or export these so-called "hidden killers" of civilians – reached its 10th anniversary this month. But the United States is still not a signatory.
Unfortunately this "just say no" approach to international treaties has become a pattern for the US, especially under the Bush administration. This trend must change. The president's successor should make it a high priority for the US to rejoin the world and reassume the country's role as a globally respected leader.
In some cases the rationale for US opposition is tied to security, economic, or legal considerations. But in all cases the unifying principle behind the Bush administration's refusal to join these treaties seems to be ideological – not wanting to encumber the US with further international obligations or to constrain America's freedom of action.
This "America unbound" approach is making the US the odd man out on critical global issues. In March of this year, a new human rights treaty was opened for signature at the United Nations, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The convention would ensure that people around the world with disabilities enjoy the same rights as everyone else to equal protection before the law, and in work and education opportunities.
Revisionist history is unbecoming of an academic. The opposition to a lot of these initiatives predate the Bush administration, and in fact hearken all the way back to a rather famous and influential person from the early days of the United States. That would be George Washington, not Washington, DC.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils 7 Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. (Emphasis added.)
Those words are as true today as on the day they were delivered to the American people in 1796. They are from his farewell address delivered when Washington stepped down from the lead role he had held in the formation of this nation since accepting the command of the Continental Army. I'd also like to point out the highlighted sentence above - then re-read what Inderfurth has written. It would seem that George Washington was more than a little prescient.
The fact is, that no matter how laudable some of the ideals of the UN may be, the organization itself is hideously corrupt, hopelessly inept, downright criminal in many instances and increasingly a venue for thugs and tyrants. Any treaty that is produced by that body should be avoided. Or, as George Washington also said:
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world….